1958 Tripartite voting formula: Colonial govt ploy which became TANU’s masterstroke

TANZANIA: TWENTY-FIVE years after his passing, the legacy of Mwalimu Julius Nyerere continues to inspire Tanzania. One of his greatest triumphs was his role in defeating the colonial government’s 1958 Tripartite voting formula, a discriminatory system designed to perpetuate white and Asian dominance.

Nyerere’s leadership and the unwavering support of TANU turned what seemed like an insurmountable obstacle into a masterstroke that paved the way for Tanzanian independence.

The colonial government introduced the tripartite voting formula for the 1958/59 elections, requiring each eligible voter to cast ballots for one European, one Asian and one African candidate within the same constituency.

Failure to adhere to this guideline resulted in the voter’s ballot being nullified. The formula divided voters into three separate rolls based on race: African, Asian and European. The number of seats allocated to each roll was disproportionate, favouring Europeans and Asians.

For example, Europeans, who constituted a minority of the population, had an equal number of seats as Africans, who made up the majority.

Under the formula, votes from different rolls were not equal. European and Asian votes carried more weight than African votes, further tilting the balance in their favour.

This system effectively marginalised African voters and ensured that white and Asian candidates were more likely to win elections. It was a clear attempt to preserve colonial power and prevent Tanganyika from achieving self-determination.

TANU strongly opposed the tripartite formula, recognising it as a tactic to undermine their democratic aspirations.

They advocated for a common roll based on adult suffrage, which would have given all Tanganyikans an equal voice in determining their future.

In his book “A Modern History of Tanganyika”, John Iliffe notes that TANU had initially threatened to boycott the tripartite elections, with Nyerere reportedly advocating for non-participation as early as April 1957.

In June 1957 however, the colonial government assured the UN that Africans would dominate and Nyerere replied that TANU wished to participate in the elections if they were to be truly free.

By August, a few months before the elections were held, only a few Africans registered to vote, perhaps expecting a boycott, but TANU ordered its officers to encourage registration.

Meanwhile, the British Governor of Tanganyika, Edward Twining and the United Tanganyika Party (UTP) he established in 1956 as a counter to TANU, recognised that the tripartite voting system could allow Africans who eventually represented two-thirds of the electorate to elect TANU candidates for all seats.

When Alan LennoxBoyd, the Colonial Secretary, visited East Africa in October 1957, Twinning suggested the possibility of abandoning the tripartite voting system.

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However, the Colonial Secretary determined that it was too late to make such changes. During the TANU conference in January 1958, Julius Nyerere expressed determination to lead TANU into the 1958 elections, despite the challenges posed by the tripartite voting system.

He used his charisma and political acumen to convince party members that participating in the elections, even under unfavourable conditions, was necessary for their long-term goals.

Nyerere’s efforts ultimately paid off. TANU’s participation in the 1958 elections, although marred by the tripartite system, helped to raise the party’s profile and lay the groundwork for its eventual victory in the 1960 elections and subsequent independence.

He argued that a boycott could have led to a landslide victory for UTP, divided TANU by encouraging some of its members to run as independent candidates and potentially escalated tensions with the colonial government.

However, many TANU members remained unconvinced, particularly in Sukumaland. There, Paul Bomani, an advocate for participation, found the party deeply divided between himself and Bhoke Munanka’s militant faction. In his speech, Nyerere urged TANU to participate in the elections, expressing optimism about a potential victory.

He warned that abstaining from the elections could solidify UTP’s power and potentially lead to violence, delaying the country’s independence.

He faced a formidable challenge in convincing party members to accept the tripartite voting system.

Many within TANU were skeptical, fearing that the system would dilute the party’s power and impede its progress towards independence.

Nyerere navigated this delicate balance by emphasising the potential benefits of the tripartite system while addressing concerns about its impact on TANU’s power.

He argued that the system offered opportunities for increased representation and a more inclusive political process, positioning it as a necessary step towards selfgovernment.

Iliffe quotes Mwalimu in the book saying; “Imagine that you have a shamba and in front of it there is a pond with a lot of mud around it.

If you want to harvest your crops and carry them out of the shamba you must step into the mud and dirty your feet.

What would you prefer? To lose your crops and keep your feet clean? Or to harvest your crops and dirty your feet?” Through his persuasive abilities and strong leadership, Nyerere was able to overcome resistance within TANU.

He reassured party members that the tripartite system was a temporary arrangement and that TANU would ultimately achieve full independence.

By focusing on the party’s longterm goals and the potential advantages of the system, Nyerere successfully rallied support for his vision.

The former Deputy Chair of the ruling party CCM and Speaker of the National Assembly, Pius Msekwa, says that Mwalimu Nyerere possessed exceptional powers of persuasion, a quality evident in his success in convincing delegates at the 1958 TANU annual conference to accept the difficult decision of adopting the tripartite voting system.

The TANU delegates were almost unanimously opposed to the tripartite electoral rules and even considered boycotting the upcoming elections. Msekwa says Mwalimu Nyerere had been forewarned about the strong opposition to this particular issue among the delegates, so he went to Tabora fully prepared for the battle to convince them.

He strategically requested to step down as conference chair during the discussions on this issue, ensuring he could freely present his views and engage in open debate without the perceived authority of the chair. Once granted, Nyerere passionately argued for accepting the new electoral rules and participating in the elections rather than boycotting them.

Despite facing significant opposition, he successfully convinced the delegates. The resulting Tabora resolution of 1958 is widely recognised as a pivotal moment in Tanganyika’s journey to independence.

In his book Tanzania: A Political Economy (2nd edn), Andrew Coulson wrote that the 1958/59 elections allowed TANU to demonstrate its strength, as even among the European and Asian candidates, only those supported by TANU were elected.

And in an article titled “The Genius with Julius Nyerere,” published on the Julius Nyerere Online Resources (juliusnyerere.org), Muna Kangsen states that Nyerere had single-handedly convinced TANU to participate in the elections and his instinct proved correct.

Not only did he win a seat in the Tanganyika Legislative Council representing the Eastern Province, but all TANU and TANU-backed candidates emerged victorious.

Sensing the inevitable, the colonial government increased TANU’s presence in the government from five to twelve ministerial posts the following year.

In legislative elections held two years later, TANU won seventy out of seventy-one seats in the New House of Representatives.

Nyerere was subsequently nominated as Prime Minister and tasked with forming a new government.

Following a constitutional conference held in Dar es Salaam in 1961, attended by British officials and nationalist leaders, Tanganyika gained internal self-rule in May of that year.

The date for full independence was set for December 9, 1961. In 1962, the Republic of Tanzania was born, with Julius Nyerere as its first president.